Though the Madlanga commission’s final report and recommendations are still in the making and have not yet qualified to go before the president and the nation later in the year, the commission’s hearings are already reshaping citizens’ zero-tolerance attitude towards corruption.
Several witnesses have presented chilling evidence supporting KwaZulu-Natal police commissioner Lieutenant-General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi’s allegations of criminality, political interference and corruption in the criminal justice system, leading to suspensions, resignations and arrests of implicated persons.
The commission’s interim findings and recommendations submitted to President Cyril Ramaphosa so far called for the investigation and prosecution of Major-General Lesetja Senona, alongside Major-General Richard Shibiri, Brigadier Mbangwa Nkhwashu, Brigadier Rachel Matjeng and Sergeant Fannie Nkosi for serious wrongdoing.
Parallel to internal investigation, some of these names are among 12 senior police officers arrested along with Vusimusi “Cat” Matlala and face charges of fraud, corruption and money laundering.
The 12 arrested officers are: Captain Brian Neville, Brigadier Rachel Matjeng, Brigadier Alpheus Ngema, Brigadier Patrick Nethengwe, Tumisho Maleka (procurement officer), Major-General Busisiwe Temba, Brigadier Kirsty Jonker, Brigadier Petunia Lenono, Brigadier Onica Tlhoale, Colonel Nonjabulo Mngadi, Colonel Anton Paulsen and Colonel Natsenge Monyai.
The case against them centres on Matlala scooping a three-year tender to provide health and risk screening to 180,000 police employees through his company, Medicare24 Tshwane District, in June 2024.
This was despite him having been identified as a central figure in the Tembisa Hospital looting believed to have cost the Gauteng health department’s Babita Deokaran her life.
The SAPS eventually cancelled the tender and launched a probe by the Investigating Directorate Against Corruption.
According to the charge sheet, the tender was riddled with issues — from not being advertised for the required 21 days, to officers Matlala knew allegedly assisting him with his submission and even sitting on the bid evaluation committee (BEC).
Whether or not citizens ever approve of the anti-corruption measures taken by Ramaphosa so far is uncertain
Moreover, national police commissioner Fannie Masemola received a notice to appear in court on April 21 to face criminal charges over the same Matlala’s tainted R360m health services tender.
As accounting officer he was bound by law to take “effective and appropriate steps to prevent unauthorised, irregular and fruitless and wasteful expenditure and losses” from criminal conduct.
Whether or not citizens ever approve of the anti-corruption measures taken by Ramaphosa so far is uncertain.
What is certain is that the mere prospect of uncovering the truth about the underworld masterminds negatively interfering with the criminal justice system has spurred at least millions to notice and speak out.
Hopefully, this jacked-up public interest will add millions of voices demanding accountability to SA’s already resilient vigilant citizens.
SA has long depended on a groundswell of anti-corruption citizenry, including many brave whistleblowers, to uncover criminality, political interference and corruption in the government.
According to the 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index (released early in 2025), SA scored 41 out of 100, ranking 81st out of 180 countries.
This score indicates stagnation in anti-corruption efforts, placing the country below the global average of 43 and highlighting significant public sector corruption concerns, including weak prosecution, bribery and nepotism.
The investigation, uncovering and prosecution of even a handful of the masterminds of organised crime, as a result of the Madlanga commission and other complementary processes, have immediate and significant consequences for citizens’ safety and finances.
Though SA has a wide range of policy and legislative instruments to curb corruption, it does not adequately protect whistleblowers and witnesses in criminal trials.
Politicians lack the political will to act decisively against politically connected individuals in powerful government positions who are implicated in corruption and maladministration.
Signs of political connections, conflict of interests and impropriety are everywhere.
In the case of Lenono, she resigned just weeks before the controversial tender was awarded to Medicare24 Tshwane — a timing now under intense scrutiny.
Authorities say the arrests mark only the beginning, as investigators tighten the net around what could become one of the most significant corruption cases to hit SA’s law enforcement leadership in years.
The implications of more chilling evidence, arrests and prosecutions are especially troubling and encouraging, given the interconnectedness of alleged criminal conduct at local, provincial and national levels in the criminal justice system.
The anticipated finalisation of internal workplace disciplinary action could add significant numbers to those already sanctioned individuals.
The full cost will unfold over decades as future recovery from financial and non-financial losses occurs outside the commission of inquiry and the courtroom’s reach.
That the criminality, political interference and corruption allegedly occur within the criminal justice system through high-ranking officials significantly undermines good governance in the first place.
Holding these officials accountable suggests that anti-corruption campaign measures are working.
We should be reinforcing them at all levels.
And what mileage the nation ultimately collects from the commission — the criminal cases, the disciplinary action and other complementary processes — the nation may not get to keep if citizens allow politicians to be the sole determiners of what to do with the commission’s report and recommendations.
The president’s decision not to make public the interim report and recommendations after months of receipt raises serious legal, political and moral questions.
His explanation’s retroactive elements and its attempt to position the government as the sole implementer open a challenge in both parliament and households whose members paid the ultimate price for exposing corruption.
Should the commission’s interim findings and recommendations not be acted upon satisfactorily, the president could face the daunting prospect of further explaining.
He could risk losing public confidence and being blamed for sidelining stakeholders.
That would transform an already difficult crime-fighting situation into a political crisis.
The president should be careful not to make South Africans excited over supposed sociopolitical gains against crime and corruption that they may well never see.
Whether the Madlanga commission (and all other complementary anti-corruption initiatives) ultimately go far enough to achieve the desired outcomes or survive the lack of political will, they are already having their most significant effect by exposing the truth and triggering decisive action.
Would you like to comment on this article?
Sign up (it's quick and free) or sign in now.
Please read our Comment Policy before commenting.