OpinionPREMIUM

INSIGHT | Commissions of inquiry must move from charades to real consequences

Chief justice Raymond Zondo has made corrections to the state capture report and submitted them to President Cyril Ramaphosa. File photo.
Chief justice Raymond Zondo has made corrections to the state capture report and submitted them to President Cyril Ramaphosa. File photo. (Alet Pretorius)

In the shadow of apartheid’s ruins, post-1994 SA pinned its hopes on commissions of inquiry as engines of truth and reform.

Three decades on, from the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) to the ongoing Madlanga inquiry, these panels stand exposed as elaborate rituals, unearthing scandals with dramatic flair, only to bury their remedies in bureaucratic oblivion.

The TRC, chaired by Desmond Tutu, offered a radical promise: catharsis through confession and forgiveness, a stark contrast to Nuremberg’s retributive justice.

It documented unspeakable horrors, granted amnesty to perpetrators, and urged reparations, including urgent interim payments that trickled in five years late, in 2003.

Victims’ families still chase elusive justice.

The 2025 TRC cases inquiry, led by justice Sisi Khampepe, probes why more than 300 matters were neglected, a searing indictment of governments from Nelson Mandela to the present, revealing how noble intentions curdle into neglect.

This has ruined the dreams of an ethical rainbow nation as commissions have become the order of the day, with patronage and corruption at centre stage.

This pattern endures like a stubborn scar, epitomised by the Zondo state capture commission (2018-2022).

Chaired by chief justice Raymond Zondo, it pierced the heart of “state capture,” unveiling a staggering R1.5-trillion in systemic looting, far beyond the initial R1bn estimates across entities such as Eskom, Transnet and Prasa.

Over four volumes and 832 recommendations, it exposed the Gupta family’s tentacles, with figures like former president Jacob Zuma at the nexus, funnelling public funds through rigged tenders and “consultancy” fees.

Vivid testimonies from whistleblower Angelo Agrizzi’s “Zuptas” tapes to Brian Molefe’s defiant smirks captivated the nation, likening the era to feudal patronage.

It urged more than 200 prosecutions, lifestyle audits for executives, disbanding the VIP Protection Unit’s excesses, and fortifying anti-corruption institutions like the SIU and NPA.

Yet, the devil lurks in delivery: by April 2026, the presidency’s tracker logs 62% implementation on the core 60-point plan, with key wins like the Investigating Directorate’s permanence.

Criminal referrals exceed 70, yielding 35 arrests including Ace Magashule’s aides, but convictions hover at a pitiful 12%, hampered by NPA backlogs and witness intimidation.

Parliament’s refusal of Section 89 probes stalled momentum, while government of national unity infighting dilutes urgency.

Zondo’s partial triumphs mock the plunder’s scale: billions recovered, yet elite networks persist, as Bain & Company’s R238m fine hints at superficial slaps.

Recent probes amplify the farce. The Madlanga commission, launched in July 2025 to dissect criminality and interference in the justice system, delivered its first interim report in December 2025, flagging cases for prosecution.

Radical reform beckons now. Commissions master spectacle testimonies that grip the nation like prime-time drama but crumble on execution, shielding elites in impunity’s embrace

Extended to August 2026 amid witness delays, it teeters on the brink of irrelevance, one more time in the stack of delayed truths.

Collectively, these inquiries have haemorrhaged more than R1bn, igniting public fury as “expensive theatre”, vivid spectacles that dazzle but deliver dust.

Under the GNU, forged in June 2024, flickers of optimism pierce the gloom amid mounting strains.

Energy stability and investor confidence inch forward, but inquiries like Madlanga strain coalition bonds, with DA-ANC clashes breeding inconsistent signals.

As local elections loom, polls reflect 49% approval for the GNU, yet festering corruption gnaws at trust.

In the Eastern Cape, home to Daily Dispatch readers battling service delivery black holes, these national fiascos resonate painfully.

Public Service Commission (PSC) amendments via the 2023 Bill seek to sharpen its edge, syncing with the 2022 Professionalisation Framework, but absent real bite, they falter like so many before.

Radical reform beckons now. Commissions master spectacle testimonies that grip the nation like prime-time drama but crumble on execution, shielding elites in impunity’s embrace.

This is no oversight; it’s design. They sanitise crimes, depoliticising outrage as politicians preen.

Zondo’s “victories” over 30 arrests, scant convictions mock the process; Madlanga’s referrals could vanish sans timelines.

Picture Usindiso widows in Turffontein shacks, choking on the smoke of ignored warnings, as officials reshuffle files.

Or TRC kin, 30 years hence, eyeing Khampepe’s endless probe.

This is governance as Greek tragedy: purging yet futile.

Policy must swerve decisively. Enact binding laws: presidents respond in 90 days, tracked by independent auditors; ministers face no-confidence votes for delays; citizen dashboards expose progress in real-time.

Supercharge the PSC with prosecutorial muscle, amplifying 2023 Bill tweaks.

GNU allies such as the ANC, DA must champion a “Commission Accountability Act,” linking budgets to compliance.

Blend in digital trackers, echoing e-government tools against misinformation, and public-private sentinels infused with ubuntu’s communal vigil, bridging gaps born of isolation.

SA can ill afford more inquiry charades.

In this GNU dawn, channelling 1994’s defiant promise into ironclad reform revives the dream.

Failure breeds despair; triumph births ethical rule.

Scholars and citizens of SA, rise: no more dust-gathering reports, deliver justice or shatter the mirage

Dr Sandiso Mahlala, Sol Plaatje University, Kimberley, head of department, economic and management sciences


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