OpinionPREMIUM

Foot-and-mouth ruling a victory for power of unity over politics of division

A decisive victory for the principle that private initiative and state responsibility can, and must, coexist for the national good. Picture Eugene Coetzee (Eugene Coetzee)

The ruling delivered by judge Johann van der Westhuizen in the Pretoria high court on May 25, is a landmark moment that reverberates far beyond the fences of our rural provinces.

While technically a judgment on the procurement and administration of foot-and-mouth disease (FMD) vaccines, its true weight lies in what it signifies for South African civil society.

By ruling that farmers, feedlots and dairy operations possess the right to independently procure and administer lawful vaccines for their cloven-hooved livestock, the court has delivered a breath of fresh air to a nation too often stifled by “arrogant centralisation”.

This is more than a win for agricultural policy; it is a decisive victory for the principle that private initiative and state responsibility can, and must, coexist for the national good.

For too long, the state’s response to the FMD crisis was characterised by a desire for political control rather than effective biosecurity.

Agriculture minister John Steenhuisen and his department sought to frame the legal challenges brought by the farming community as “premature and misdirected”, arguing that private action would lead to the fragmentation of the national disease control strategy.

However, the reality of the coalition that stood before the Pretoria high court shattered the narrative of a fragmented sector.

Led by organisations such as Sakeliga, the Southern African Agri Initiative (SAAI), and Free State Agriculture, the legal challenge represented a broad and diverse front.

This coalition brought together the interests of communal farmers at dip tanks in KwaZulu-Natal and commercial feedlot operators in Gauteng.

By standing united, these groups proved that the need for animal health and economic survival is a language spoken by all South Africans, regardless of the scale of their operations.

The court’s decision proves that attempts to sideline private initiative under the guise of maintaining state authority have failed.

The judiciary’s findings were not merely a disagreement over policy, but a sharp rebuke of state obstructionism.

The court found that the agriculture department lacked a valid legal defence for its monopoly on vaccination.

A glaring example of this obstruction was the evidence of state interference in a supply agreement between the local importer, Design Biologix CC, and Argentine manufacturer Biogénesis Bagó.

The court’s specific criticisms included:

  • The fact that there was no statutory law that prevented private citizens from vaccinating their own livestock with lawful vaccines, noting that in a free society, one was permitted to do anything that was not expressly prohibited; and
  • That the department had engineered lethargic delays to hinder private sector participation, even as the disease spread uncontrolled for over a year.

The significance of the punitive cost order issued against the minister and his department — granted on Scale C, the highest possible scale — cannot be overstated.

It is a clear expression of the judiciary’s displeasure with a state that prioritised centralised control over the urgent requirements of a national emergency.

This legal victory serves as a moving symbol of the Rainbow Nation in action.

When organisations like the Milk Producers Organisation (MPO) and SAAI work alongside commercial and communal interests for the “common good of the national herd and the economy”, we see the revival of the “United in Diversity” spirit that Nelson Mandela envisioned.

This victory belongs to every South African who refused to let their livelihoods be decimated by administrative lethargy.

It contrasts the “arrogant centralisation” of the past with an organic, private-sector-led movement that seeks only to protect the country’s food security.

By allowing the private sector to supplement state efforts, the ruling replaces a culture of state-imposed limitation with one of shared national purpose.

This ruling must signal the end of an era defined by state-controlled monopolies on vaccines.

We are entering a new paradigm where the state remains the regulator, but no longer the sole actor.

The path to “FMD-free with vaccination” status is a national goal that can only be reached through a partnership of speed and scale.

The government’s stated goal is to vaccinate 80% of the national cattle population as swiftly as possible.

Achieving this requires the logistical strength of both sectors.

We must leverage international partnerships, such as the Botswana Vaccine Institute (BVI), which can supply one-million doses a month, and support the Agricultural Research Council (ARC) as it scales up its own manufacturing facility to produce hundreds of thousands of doses.

The court has outlined a practical path for co-operation:

  • Farmers must provide a five-day notification to state veterinarians before vaccinating; and
  • Affidavits of compliance must be submitted within 14 days of administration.

These measures ensure that private initiative and rigorous oversight are not mutually exclusive but are, in fact, the dual engines of a successful national biosecurity strategy.

The FMD court victory is a triumph for every South African who believes in the power of unity over the politics of division.

It is a reminder that we are at our best when we stop waiting for an unresponsive state and instead take shared responsibility for our future.

As we look to the road ahead, let this ruling serve as a template for solving our other national crises.

When we move past “arrogant centralisation” and embrace the collective initiative of our people, there is no challenge — economic or biological — that the Rainbow Nation cannot overcome.

Shared responsibility is not just a policy; it is our national duty.

  • Prince Sivile Mabandla is a farmer and a representative of the African Continent at the World Farmers Organisation Livestock Committee. He writes in his personal capacity.

Would you like to comment on this article?
Sign up (it's quick and free) or sign in now.

Comment icon